Nationalism: Civic and Ethnic

" The breakup of a multinational state may create a personaal government agency vacuum or a new balance-of-power pattern among its replacement states, and such outcomes may be strategically desirable for some countries. The following events illustrate this point. Britain sought the independence of the Low Countries, the Hapsburgs the atomisation of Italy, and successive Chinese empires the disunity of the nomads in the Tarim Basin. A state may easily conclude that a power vacuum in a particular region is preferable to a cope with power center. Given the threat the Soviet Union make up to the United States (and the threat its predecessor, the Romanov empire, posed to Great Britain) it is by no means clear that a consolidated entity on the dominion of the Soviet Union is preferable to a balance-of-power system of meet successor states.

Even if the number of nation states were to increase by a dozen or two in the abutting few decades, through the peaceful or violent sectionalization of several multinational countries, the very inequality of power among states would clog too coarse a degree of disorder. The breakup of ordinal and twentieth century empires produced almost two hundred states? well short of the "300 independent political units that existed in early-modern Germany, or the 500 that Charles Tilly has identified in the Europe of 1500. If the world survived the fast expansion of the number of U.N. member states from 52 in 1946 to 18

Support for national self-determination does not equate to support for nationalism in its tyrannical or imperial manifestations. "It is important to draw a distinction mingled with liberal and narrow nationalism. Liberal nationalists tend to privilege a linguistic-cultural definition of nationality and a liberal-constitutional (though not necessarily democratic) organization of the state. narrow nationalists (who might more accurately be described as nativists, to employ a term that originated in Ameri stop politics) favor a religious or genetic definition of nationality, as in Iran or Serbia, and usually (though not always) an authoritarian-populist constitution.

It is as great a mistake to confuse liberal nationalism with illiberal nativism as it is to identify social democracy with Leninist communism. Illiberal nationalism is often responsible for terrible atrocities, as the carnage in Bosnia has shown. The problem, however, is with illiberalism and militarism, not with nationalism as such."

3 today, surely it can survive a more incremental expansion by a dozen or two more."

Serbia implemented a campaign to encourage Albanians to leave Kosovo. For whatever reasons you chose to cite, the percentage of pagan Albanians in Kosovo has been increasing rapidly at the expense of the Serbs. Serbia openly expresses a desire to readjust the ethnic balance in Kosovo. Since American President Clinton warned that any attempt to cleanse Albanians from the region would push the United States into direct military intervention in Serbia, the Serbian authorities have resorted to "marginally more apprehensive measures than are practised elsewhere." A visiting British politician, gallery an international inter-parliamentary human rights mission to Kosovo in 1993 said that that denying passel work or terrifying the population was 'part of a insurance to make life so unpleasant for Albanians as to outcome them to move out.' In short, he said, as evidenced by the fact that mor
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